Monday, December 10, 2018

HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage: The Risks vs Rewards of Heritgage Tourism


BENEFITS AND DISADVANTAGES OF HERITAGE TOURISM IN THE CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT OF CARIBBEAN HERITAGE



By: Samantha Z. L. Alleyne, HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage

Heritage tourism is often seen as synonymous with cultural tourism, historical tourism, arts tourism, nature tourism or attractions-related tourism (Nurse 4). It is the branch of tourism oriented towards the cultural heritage (both the tangible and the intangible) of the location or destination in which the tourism occurs. Heritage tourism, encompasses natural heritage, such as caves, nature reserves, gardens and marine parks, as well as built heritage, like museums, monuments and historical buildings. It also observes cultural events, festivals, performing arts and other forms of popular culture.

Heritage tourism brings to the Caribbean more than the concept of “Sun, Sea and Sand”, and with that, aids in the development of these countries. However, with every positive comes a negative and we will evaluate some of the benefits or advantages and disadvantages of heritage tourism, especially as it relates to the conservation and management of that heritage. “Some argue that the globalization of heritage through tourism has led to a greater respect for (both material and living) culture than previously existed” (Salazar and Zhu 240), and it is now seen as an important innovation and a new source for competitive advantage in the global tourism industry. When we look at the major heritage attraction of Trinidad and Tobago, it is not a tangible site, but the intangible experience of Carnival and their many other festivals.

The most noticeable feature that this type of heritage tourism brings, is an economic one, and it is understood that funding is an important factor in maintaining or managing and conserving any type of heritage. Carnival may be the incentive to come to the island, but tourists and visitors will be exposed to other aspects of Trinidad and Tobago’s culture as well. Promoting the heritage of island, but also strengthening the capacity to safeguard this heritage, “has proven to add value by serving as one of the main driving forces to preserve and strengthen indigenous cultural identity while at the same time making a positive contribution to social and economic development” (Orozco 2017).

This is just one example of how heritage tourism can contribute to the conservation and management of heritage. Other benefits would include: the strengthening and improving of heritage structures, as seen with the Seville Great House and Heritage Park in St. Ann’s Jamaica as well as the Good Hope Great House in Trelawny as a result of the increased visitor numbers. Building of infrastructures, roads and signs to promote access and visibility of heritage sites; generating employment, whether through jobs or new businesses, both within and outside the heritage industry; increased community pride and awareness in heritage, reintroducing individuals to their cultural roots, growing interest into their own history and culture, creating shared traditions that can be passed on to younger generations, are additional benefits. However, probably most importantly would be the strengthening and preservation of these heritage resources by means of its protection and sustainability for continued use.

Though we can count a number of benefits to the application of heritage tourism in the Caribbean, there are some disadvantages that should be noted. As much as it may provide opportunities for conservation and preservation, there is an equal chance of it causing more harm than good as seen most predominantly with cases of natural heritage. According to UNESCO “cultural tourism can encourage the revival of traditions and the restoration of sites and monuments. But unbridled tourism can have the opposite effect. Here there is a real dilemma. Is there not a risk that the boom in cultural tourism, by the sheer weight of numbers involved, may harbour the seeds of its own destruction by eroding the very cultures and sites that are its stock in trade?”

One example is the damage caused to coral reefs, as seen in Bonaire and other Caribbean territories. The increase of snorkelling and diving activities and cruise ship pollution is compounded by the chemicals from sunscreen leaching into the water and disrupting the reproduction and growth cycles of the coral, ultimately leading to bleaching (Zachos 2018). This shows the physical impact of tourism on our natural heritage. Natural Heritage parks where tourists travel off the dedicated paths and trample the foliage for what may seem a good photo opportunity, depleting over time the same natural environment they have come to see, is another example.

Another consideration is the concept of authenticity, integrity and interpretation in the management of the heritage being consumed. We must first remember that heritage tourism is foremost a form of tourism and hence there is always the risk that tourism will be promoted over preservation especially where it is seen primarily as an economic resource. The commercialisation of heritage thus focuses on the interest of tourists and the tourism providers, neglecting narratives that relay the true meaning of the site or object displayed. “Another reason for the lack of sufficient safeguards to protect the values of heritage properties is to be found in an underdeveloped understanding, and therefore lack of appreciation of the heritage value of precious cultural or natural resources by both local communities and tourists. This is particularly an issue in developing countries where tourism is often considered the primary source of economic growth and the reduction of poverty (Salazar and Zhu 243).

Without proper management, heritage tourism can lead to a lack of understanding and appreciation of the culture and heritage of the place within the wider community as a result of inadequate or inappropriate presentation; it can diminish the protection and conservation of cultural heritage overtime without the adequate integration of cultural heritage protection and management laws at the national and regional level; and certain tourism activities can unconsciously or inadvertently encourage theft of cultural resources and properties (Brooks 2001). There are a number of concepts that can pose for or against heritage tourism, but inevitably it is the way forward and with careful consideration of all the issues and implementation of adequate management plans it can be a prominent economic resource but more importantly it can bring awareness to the heritage within the local communities instilling a sense of pride and cultural identity that they may not have previously understood or known.

  

Works Cited

Brooks, Graham. “Heritage at Risk from Tourism.” ICOMOS, 2001, https://www.icomos.org/risk/2001/tourism.htm. Accessed November 2018

Nurse, Keith. Development of a Strategic Business Management Model for the Sustainable Development of Heritage Tourism Products in the Caribbean. The Caribbean Tourism Organisation, 2008.

Orozco, Julio. “Carnival: When Culture Attracts Tourism.” Association of Caribbean States, 2017, http://www.acs-aec.org/index.php?q=sustainable-tourism/carnival-when-culture-attracts-tourism. November 2018.

Salazar, Noel B. and Yujie Zhu. “Heritage and Tourism.” Global Heritage: A Reader. Edited by Lynn Meskell. John Wiley & Sons Inc., 2015.

“Sustainable Tourism: Part Threat-Part Hope.” World Heritage, vol.58, 2010.

Zachos, Elaina. “Here are some alternatives to reef-damaging sunscreen.” National Geographic, 2018, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/features/

sunscreen-destroying-coral-reefs-alternatives-travel-spd/.


HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage: Whose Twisted History?


HERITAGE PRACTITIONERS USE TWISTORY TO INTERPRET THE PAST FOR PUBLIC CONSUMPTION




By: Samantha Z. L. Alleyne, HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage

What is twistory? Is it twisted history in inverted comas (“twisted history”) is it the millennial definition of a twitter story or twitter history or is it a term given to the concept of interpretation of historical sites, material culture and textual evidence that is altered to convey a more passive or docile view of past events? What we know is that, whatever way we look at the term, it is an idea that conveys some type of fiction as fact.

Two major themes then are that of authenticity and interpretation. How the past is interpreted by heritage practitioners as well as how that representation of the interpretation (authentic or not) is interpreted by the consumer. Historical re-enactment is one form in which this interpretation can be presented. In Trinidad and Tobago, there is an annual festivity, the re-enactment and celebration of the Canboulay Riots, a pageant that now starts Carnival. These re-enactments are considered as “invented tradition” in order to create links to the past amongst the populace (Funk 2011). What started out as short presentations related to the riots as part of street parades in Laventille for Emancipation Day, soon turned into scripted performances, whose narrative and direction have transformed over time.

“The Canboulay Riots pageant continues to change and evolve every year. Historians may quibble about historical accuracy of the text as it has evolved, and the incorporation of later Carnival traditions, but in a pageant, this matters little” (Funk 2011). We see then that there is not as much concern for the validity of the historical context as there is for making the event popular and entertaining for the locals as well as the Carnival-goers.

Re-enactment is only one of many approaches to conveying interpretation of historical evidence, as heritage is more than just history and its interpretation has ties to the authenticity of the site or object that conveys this historical narrative. Authenticity is a key concept that informs the preservation, curation, management and presentation of the historic environment, and is broadly defined as the quality of being authentic, truthful or genuine (Jones 2009). How then do we convey this authenticity if the interpretation is open-ended and can be seen from multiple viewpoints? Heritage practitioners are then tasked with being objective in their examinations. However, in the case of enlivening a chosen past does it become subjective based on the audience or the preference of the practitioner?

Tourists visiting a site will typically encounter signage, visual displays, information centres or tour guides whose functions are to interpret the heritage values of the place or objects (Ablett 2010). These interpretations are what are absorbed by the public as an authentic representation or explanation of these historic events and places. What then is this interpretation that is reflected to tourists and visitors? Is it the unbiased truth of enslaved Africans or the manicured concept of labourers and servants? Do we “soften the blow”, so that we don’t offend those that are consuming the information? Or do we not want to refer to what is considered “bad”, as it somehow reflective of us in society?  


One example that comes to mind is that of St. Nicholas Abbey in Barbados, simply described as a 1658 sugar plantation with a Jacobean mansion and rum distillery. The heritage showcased centres around things such as the architecture and estate as well as the owners’ history and of course the rum distillery. Very little information is conveyed as to enslaved persons that were a day-to-day factor in the very running of the plantation. With the establishment of a miniature railway to take visitors around the estate, it is sure to be a major highlight of heritage tourism, but one may wonder what story will be told on this new journey.

Lowenthal states that we can no more slip back into the past then can we leap forward to the future, save in imaginative reconstruction, the past is barred to us. It is this imaginative reconstruction by heritage practitioners that becomes the narrative regurgitated by tour guides and affixed to signage and visual displays. Lowenthal goes on to state that “if the past is a foreign country, nostalgia has made it ‘the foreign country with the healthiest tourist trade of all’”.

The profitability that is attached to nostalgia is then used to construct the narrative to be displayed and interpreted as nostalgia is usually associated with a good feeling. However, when we leave out certain facts to hone-in on other ones is the story still authentic? If we look at a cultural heritage site we see the contestation in defining concepts of authenticity and integrity, as authenticity has varying meanings in different cultural contexts. We face the question of whose heritage or which time period frames preservation and interpretation (Alberts and Hazen). It is the stakeholder’s goals for the site in the end that is prioritised even if it is not compatible with the aims of those looking to conserve and preserve the authenticity of the site.

Tourists and visitors expect that “authentic” experience when they visit a site or engage with an object which does not always equate with the recorded history displayed. They also expect a level of comfort which may compromise the authenticity of the site in providing these facilities that visitors or tourists expect. The heritage practitioner may see it as more viable and profitable to compromise authenticity for economic gain through public consumption. The question remains who is this heritage really for? Is it for the community that it has originally emerged from or the paying visitor who wants a “nostalgic” experience of the past?



Works Cited

Ablett, Philip G. & Pamela K. Dyer. “Heritage and Hermeneutics: Towards a Broader Interpretation of Interpretation.” Current Issues in Tourism, 12, 2010, pp. 209-233.

Alberts, Heike C. and Helen D. Hazen. “Maintaining Authenticity and Integrity at Cultural World Heritage Sites.” Geographical Review, vol. 100, no. 1, 2010, pp. 56-73.

Funk, Ray. “Rituals of resistance: the Canboulay Riots re-enactment.” Caribbean Beat, MEP limited, March/April 2011, https://www.caribbean-beat.com/issue-108/rituals-resistance#axzz5WVQQyT2c. Accessed November 2018.

Jones, Siân. “Experiencing Authenticity at Heritage Sites: Some Implications for Heritage Management and Conservation.” Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, vol. 11, Issue 2, 2009, pp. 133-147.

Lowenthal, David. The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge University Press, 1985.






Wednesday, December 5, 2018

HIST 3030 The Evolution of Social Policy in Barbados: Itasca Quady on The Politics of Recreational Space in Barbados


The Politics of Recreational Space: From Playing Fields to Beaches in Barbados

By, Itasca Quady, Warwick University/ UWI

Since full emancipation in 1838, Barbados has experienced a shift in economic dependency from agriculture to tourism. Despite the shift, intersectional socio-economic hierarchies have remained. Central to this has been the ownership and access of land in the hands of a small number of Barbadian elites. Sugar cultivation intensified on the island in the 1640s, benefitting from the flat terrain and the natural springs, which acted as irrigation systems for monocrop production in several parts of the island. This saw the deforestation of almost all of the native woodland of Barbados. Since sugar cultivation dominated the economic use of land resources, there was a marked lack of designated space for housing after emancipation which led to freed peoples still being attached to plantations - without security of tenure - through labour and rent. As a consequence of limited access to land and security of tenure was the creation of the chattel house – a portable timber house frame built on easily dismantled stones. The end of the nineteenth century saw a decline in sugar cultivation, and by the 1970s, an intensive effort to shape Barbados into a tourist-driven economy had materialised. I will focus on how recreational spaces in modern Barbados have been characterised through the historic alienation of the working classes, and how this has been reflected and consolidated through ideology, society and policy.

Ideology derivative of Victorian Britain is prevalent in Barbadian social policy concerning recreational spaces. Following the period of British West Indian labour unrest in the 1930s, especially in June 1937 in Barbados, the Moyne Commission endeavoured to resolve working class tensions. The Report of the Royal West Indian Commission (1939) noted that the “labouring population, mere subsistence was increasingly problematic”.[1] During the nineteenth century industrialisation in Britain, application of Benthamite utilitarianism was administered throughout the country’s workplaces and communities. This was an attempt at social organization and efficacy. A result of this was the strategic creation of recreational spaces for working class men, in an effort to alleviate class tensions, to suppress urges of revolt and maintain socio-economic hierarchy and property, or as Downes has put it, “to arrest potential proletarian protest” (374)*. Similarly in Barbados, recommendations from the aforementioned Moyne Report and the Deane Report, which specifically investigated the 1937 disturbances, resulted in the creation of competitive environments and leisure spaces for Barbadian men. Rhetoric of a similar kin continues to be used -- in 2009, the Minister of the Environment, Dr. Denis Lowe stressed the importance of recreational spaces as Barbados is, in his words, a “fast-paced society and we need to find places where we can cool down, so to speak”.[2] Of these recreational spaces reserved for local working-class leisure, it must be noted that some, such as Dover Playing Field in Christ Church, were sites of burial for thousands during the Cholera Epidemic of 1854, where over 20,000 people – a quarter of the population- died.

It is also important to note the class and gender dynamics of sport in this context. Historically, sport, such as cricket, has been divided along class and gender lines and has reflected colonial hegemonic values. Many historians have documented the empirical birth and continuities of the sport, claiming cricket’s roots in the “’élite school’ system in Barbados from the 1870s onwards, a system based quite consciously on the public and grammar school ideology of Victorian Britain”, shaped by an “age dominated by muscular Christianity and Social Darwinism” (Sandiford, Stoddart 333). [3]  Race, class and gender segregation is seen today within the communal cricket teams and leagues on the island today.

Caribbean gender studies sociologists such as Manners, Mintz and Scheele have espoused the concept of gendered spaces in Caribbean societies. This is applied predominately to the Hispanophone Caribbean, with the idea of ‘calle/casa’ or street/home dichotomy. [4] Applicable to the Barbados and the Anglophone Caribbean, certain spaces in society have become feminised and masculinised. The home and educational spaces have become feminised, promoting a hegemonic matrifocal family unit. Thus, the ‘street’ and outside spaces have been masculinised. This characterisation has impacted the safety and recreational accessibility of women outside of the home, especially in regards to sport and exercise. Recent studies have highlighted these limitations, which have resulted in the increase of obesity and related non-communicable diseases in the female Afro-Caribbean population of Barbados (Alvarado, Guell, Murphy).[5] This is a direct correlation of the rise in sedentary lifestyles and occupations of Barbadian women, promoted by the impact of gendered spaces and expectations.

In terms of housing, it is also important to reflect on the continuing battle for space and land between the middle classes, historically the merchants, and the working class. Due to the insecurity of tenure faced by many Barbadians throughout the last century, and the allocation of plantation land to housing, an argument can be made that social hierarchies have even impacted the recreational use of gardening and self-sufficiency. This is due to the close proximity and lack of land ownership of those living in chattel house structures, especially in urbanised parts of St. Michael. This is also problematic as working class Barbadians rely upon the ‘Basket of Goods’ (a VAT-exempted list of goods), which has a limited selection of affordable fruits and vegetables, thus exacerbating aforementioned health problems.

Following Independence, many recreational spaces have been donated to the public from private ownership. This feeds into the philanthropic history of the colonial elite in Barbados. Some of these areas include Barclay’s Park in St. Andrew, gifted by Barclays Bank to the government at Independence in 1966, King George V Park in St. Philip and Farley Hill which all boast memorial plaques of colonial figureheads or donors.

Other recreational areas reflect colonial and hierarchal heritage in Barbados through name and aesthetic. Some of these areas include Queen’s Park and The Garrison, both in St. Michael, which continue to serve ceremonial purposes. The traditional nature of these areas is exacerbated by their beautification efforts; spatially marginalising the working class in context of their elite heritage and thus their ‘aesthetic distance’ which reflects this (Downes). Efforts of beautification by the elite in the twentieth century can be seen in the influence of people such as Lady Gilbert Carter, the wife of a colonial Governor who took great interest in civic matters in the island. This implication of exclusion through aesthetic is comparable to a restaurant dress code, however it also encompasses race, class and gender marginalisation. This suggests that these spaces are continually intended to serve the recreational purposes of middle and upper classes in Barbados.

This spatial segregation is also prominent between ordinary Barbadians and the tourism sector on the beaches of Barbados. Although no beaches in Barbados are privately owned, attempts at exclusivity have materialised. It can be argued that deck or beach chairs are used as both spatially and socially segregating temporary barriers. Due to the changing nature and weathering of the coastline, especially in the light of climate change, the property lines are becoming increasingly contested and controversial. Little legislation has been enacted to confront the growing tensions between the tourism industry and local use of the beaches. In the 1980s, The Mighty Gabby released the song “Jack” which condemned the continued marginalisation of ordinary Barbadians on their beaches. Gabby’s most recent protest was held at Crane Beach in 2018. In an interview, he suggested the failures of the National Conservation Commission (NCC) in the lack of attempt to stop the subtle privatisation of beaches and minimal effort in securing ‘windows to the sea’ for the Barbadians who do not own beachfront property.[6]

In the post-emancipation period, beaches in Barbados were dominated by the recreation and use of black working class Barbadians for washing, bathing and disposing of household waste - including ‘night-soil’ (excreta). Not seen as economically significant in comparison to the agricultural land in the interior, beaches were considered to be marginal. Even Batts Rock beach in St. Michael was another burial space for thousands following the aforementioned 1854 Cholera outbreak*. These spaces are historically working class recreational spaces.

Government has always assured the public nature of these beaches through legislation, however public access points to the beachfront have been criticised as limited, and it has even been noted that private business owners have made attempts to block access to locals. In a speech in October 2018 at UWI Cave Hill campus, Prime Minister Mia Amor Mottley condemned the fact that most Barbadians cannot swim, despite living on a small island. This is indicative of the disconnect between policy and the reality of those able to recreate on all beaches. Carrying on from this, Mottley claimed that all Barbadian children must learn to swim. Other than the beaches, only one public pool exists on the island – the Barbados Aquatic Centre in Wildey. Recent studies have also looked into the exclusion of recreational spaces in regards to scuba diving and snorkeling. There is a growing tension between tour guides and recreational snorkelers, which reflects the rise in touristic willingness to pay to see more diverse marine life on the island’s coasts.[7]

Social hierarchies continue to influence the use of recreational spaces in Barbados. Although much has been done to ensure the access of certain spaces to the working class, the characterisation of these spaces through colonial heritage and the nuanced merchants of tourism marginalise ordinary Barbadians and their access to recreate. Continuing issues reflect the inadequacy of current social policy in ensuring this access, and perpetuate pre- and post-independence social hierarchies. There is a necessity for policy/ legislation, which addresses the historically structural and systematic inheritance of intersectional exclusion in regard to recreational spaces in Barbados, and the needs of those who are continually excluded.

Bibliography

Alvarado, M, Madhuvanti M. Murphy, Cornelia Guell. ‘Barriers and facilitators to physical activity amongst overweight and obese women in an Afro-Caribbean population: A qualitative study.’ International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 12:97 (2015)

http://www.barbmuse.org.bb/2012/08/riots-in-de-land-the-1937-labour-rebellion/

‘The Barbados System of Parks and Open Space’, Barbados Physical Development Plan (2017) pp. 135-156.

Bass, Brittany E., James F. Casey, David A. Gill, Peter W. Schuhmann. ‘Visitor preferences and willingness to pay for coastal attributes in Barbados’, Ocean & Coastal Management 134 (2016) pp. 240-250.

Belle, Nicole, Bill Bramwell. ‘Climate Change and Small Island Tourism: Policy Maker and Industry Perspectives in Barbados’ Journal of Travel Research (Aug 2005) pp. 33-41.

Bolland, Nigel. The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean (Kingston, 2001)

Campbell, Trevor, Darrin Downes. ‘Nontourism Services in Barbados: 1970-97’ International Advances in Economic Research, Vol. 7 No. 4 (Nov 2001), pp. 459-470.

Clement, Raquel, Jill L. Grant. ‘Enclosing Paradise: The Design of Gated Communities in Barbados’, Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 17 No. 1 (2012) pp. 43-60.

The Daily Gleaner, 21 February 1940

Downes, Aviston. Boys of the Empire: Elite Education and the Socio-cultural Construction of the Hegemonic Masculinity in Barbados, 1875-1920 (1997)

Downes, Aviston. Constructing Brotherhood: Fraternities and Masculinities in Colonial Barbados (2008)

Downes, Aviston. ‘From Boys to Men: Colonial Education, Cricket and Masculinity in the Caribbean, 1870-c.1290’, The International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol. 22 No.1 (2005), pp. 3-21.


‘Items Remaining in the VAT FREE Basket’ Appendix II, Government Information Service Barbados

Reddock, E. Rhoda, Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses, University of the West Indies Press (Kingston, 2004)

Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the Disturbances which took place in Barbados on the 27th July 1937 and subsequent Days (Deane Commission Report) (1937)

Report of the West India Royal Commission (1945)


Sandiford, Keith, Brian Stoddart. ‘The Elite Schools and Cricket in Barbados: A Study in Colonial Continuity’, International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol. 4 No. 3 (1987), pp. 333-350.

Willett, John, ed. and trans., Brecht on Theatre (New York, 1964) (esp. p. 91 on aesthetic distance and alienation in theatre.)



[1] Bolland, Nigel. The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean (Kingston, 2001) p. 42.
[3] Sandiford, Keith, Brian Stoddart. ‘The Elite Schools and Cricket in Barbados: A Study in Colonial Continuity’, International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol. 4 No. 3 (1987), p. 333.
[4] Reddock, E. Rhoda, Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses, University of the West Indies Press (Kingston, 2004) p. xviii.
[5] Alvarado, M, Madhuvanti M. Murphy, Cornelia Guell. ‘Barriers and facilitators to physical activity amongst overweight and obese women in an Afro-Caribbean population: A qualitative study.’ International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 12:97 (2015)
[7] Bass, Brittany E., James F. Casey, David A. Gill, Peter W. Schuhmann. ‘Visitor preferences and willingness to pay for coastal attributes in Barbados’, Ocean & Coastal Management 134 (2016)

The History Forum: Pan Africanism: A History Book Launch and Panel Discussion