HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage: The Risks vs Rewards of Heritgage Tourism

BENEFITS AND DISADVANTAGES OF HERITAGE TOURISM IN THE CONSERVATION AND MANAGEMENT OF CARIBBEAN HERITAGE

By: Samantha Z. L. Alleyne, HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage

Heritage tourism is often seen as synonymous with cultural tourism, historical tourism, arts tourism, nature tourism or attractions-related tourism (Nurse 4). It is the branch of tourism oriented towards the cultural heritage (both the tangible and the intangible) of the location or destination in which the tourism occurs. Heritage tourism, encompasses natural heritage, such as caves, nature reserves, gardens and marine parks, as well as built heritage, like museums, monuments and historical buildings. It also observes cultural events, festivals, performing arts and other forms of popular culture.

Heritage tourism brings to the Caribbean more than the concept of “Sun, Sea and Sand”, and with that, aids in the development of these countries. However, with every positive comes a negative and we will evaluate some of the benefits or advantages and disadvantages of heritage tourism, especially as it relates to the conservation and management of that heritage. “Some argue that the globalization of heritage through tourism has led to a greater respect for (both material and living) culture than previously existed” (Salazar and Zhu 240), and it is now seen as an important innovation and a new source for competitive advantage in the global tourism industry. When we look at the major heritage attraction of Trinidad and Tobago, it is not a tangible site, but the intangible experience of Carnival and their many other festivals.

The most noticeable feature that this type of heritage tourism brings, is an economic one, and it is understood that funding is an important factor in maintaining or managing and conserving any type of heritage. Carnival may be the incentive to come to the island, but tourists and visitors will be exposed to other aspects of Trinidad and Tobago’s culture as well. Promoting the heritage of island, but also strengthening the capacity to safeguard this heritage, “has proven to add value by serving as one of the main driving forces to preserve and strengthen indigenous cultural identity while at the same time making a positive contribution to social and economic development” (Orozco 2017).

This is just one example of how heritage tourism can contribute to the conservation and management of heritage. Other benefits would include: the strengthening and improving of heritage structures, as seen with the Seville Great House and Heritage Park in St. Ann’s Jamaica as well as the Good Hope Great House in Trelawny as a result of the increased visitor numbers. Building of infrastructures, roads and signs to promote access and visibility of heritage sites; generating employment, whether through jobs or new businesses, both within and outside the heritage industry; increased community pride and awareness in heritage, reintroducing individuals to their cultural roots, growing interest into their own history and culture, creating shared traditions that can be passed on to younger generations, are additional benefits. However, probably most importantly would be the strengthening and preservation of these heritage resources by means of its protection and sustainability for continued use.

Though we can count a number of benefits to the application of heritage tourism in the Caribbean, there are some disadvantages that should be noted. As much as it may provide opportunities for conservation and preservation, there is an equal chance of it causing more harm than good as seen most predominantly with cases of natural heritage. According to UNESCO “cultural tourism can encourage the revival of traditions and the restoration of sites and monuments. But unbridled tourism can have the opposite effect. Here there is a real dilemma. Is there not a risk that the boom in cultural tourism, by the sheer weight of numbers involved, may harbour the seeds of its own destruction by eroding the very cultures and sites that are its stock in trade?”

One example is the damage caused to coral reefs, as seen in Bonaire and other Caribbean territories. The increase of snorkelling and diving activities and cruise ship pollution is compounded by the chemicals from sunscreen leaching into the water and disrupting the reproduction and growth cycles of the coral, ultimately leading to bleaching (Zachos 2018). This shows the physical impact of tourism on our natural heritage. Natural Heritage parks where tourists travel off the dedicated paths and trample the foliage for what may seem a good photo opportunity, depleting over time the same natural environment they have come to see, is another example.

Another consideration is the concept of authenticity, integrity and interpretation in the management of the heritage being consumed. We must first remember that heritage tourism is foremost a form of tourism and hence there is always the risk that tourism will be promoted over preservation especially where it is seen primarily as an economic resource. The commercialisation of heritage thus focuses on the interest of tourists and the tourism providers, neglecting narratives that relay the true meaning of the site or object displayed. “Another reason for the lack of sufficient safeguards to protect the values of heritage properties is to be found in an underdeveloped understanding, and therefore lack of appreciation of the heritage value of precious cultural or natural resources by both local communities and tourists. This is particularly an issue in developing countries where tourism is often considered the primary source of economic growth and the reduction of poverty (Salazar and Zhu 243).

Without proper management, heritage tourism can lead to a lack of understanding and appreciation of the culture and heritage of the place within the wider community as a result of inadequate or inappropriate presentation; it can diminish the protection and conservation of cultural heritage overtime without the adequate integration of cultural heritage protection and management laws at the national and regional level; and certain tourism activities can unconsciously or inadvertently encourage theft of cultural resources and properties (Brooks 2001). There are a number of concepts that can pose for or against heritage tourism, but inevitably it is the way forward and with careful consideration of all the issues and implementation of adequate management plans it can be a prominent economic resource but more importantly it can bring awareness to the heritage within the local communities instilling a sense of pride and cultural identity that they may not have previously understood or known.

  

Works Cited

Brooks, Graham. “Heritage at Risk from Tourism.” ICOMOS, 2001, https://www.icomos.org/risk/2001/tourism.htm. Accessed November 2018

Nurse, Keith. Development of a Strategic Business Management Model for the Sustainable Development of Heritage Tourism Products in the Caribbean. The Caribbean Tourism Organisation, 2008.

Orozco, Julio. “Carnival: When Culture Attracts Tourism.” Association of Caribbean States, 2017, http://www.acs-aec.org/index.php?q=sustainable-tourism/carnival-when-culture-attracts-tourism. November 2018.

Salazar, Noel B. and Yujie Zhu. “Heritage and Tourism.” Global Heritage: A Reader. Edited by Lynn Meskell. John Wiley & Sons Inc., 2015.

“Sustainable Tourism: Part Threat-Part Hope.” World Heritage, vol.58, 2010.

Zachos, Elaina. “Here are some alternatives to reef-damaging sunscreen.” National Geographic, 2018, https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/features/

sunscreen-destroying-coral-reefs-alternatives-travel-spd/.

HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage: Whose Twisted History?

HERITAGE PRACTITIONERS USE TWISTORY TO INTERPRET THE PAST FOR PUBLIC CONSUMPTION

By: Samantha Z. L. Alleyne, HIST 6711 Caribbean History and Heritage

What is twistory? Is it twisted history in inverted comas (“twisted history”) is it the millennial definition of a twitter story or twitter history or is it a term given to the concept of interpretation of historical sites, material culture and textual evidence that is altered to convey a more passive or docile view of past events? What we know is that, whatever way we look at the term, it is an idea that conveys some type of fiction as fact.

Two major themes then are that of authenticity and interpretation. How the past is interpreted by heritage practitioners as well as how that representation of the interpretation (authentic or not) is interpreted by the consumer. Historical re-enactment is one form in which this interpretation can be presented. In Trinidad and Tobago, there is an annual festivity, the re-enactment and celebration of the Canboulay Riots, a pageant that now starts Carnival. These re-enactments are considered as “invented tradition” in order to create links to the past amongst the populace (Funk 2011). What started out as short presentations related to the riots as part of street parades in Laventille for Emancipation Day, soon turned into scripted performances, whose narrative and direction have transformed over time.

“The Canboulay Riots pageant continues to change and evolve every year. Historians may quibble about historical accuracy of the text as it has evolved, and the incorporation of later Carnival traditions, but in a pageant, this matters little” (Funk 2011). We see then that there is not as much concern for the validity of the historical context as there is for making the event popular and entertaining for the locals as well as the Carnival-goers.

Re-enactment is only one of many approaches to conveying interpretation of historical evidence, as heritage is more than just history and its interpretation has ties to the authenticity of the site or object that conveys this historical narrative. Authenticity is a key concept that informs the preservation, curation, management and presentation of the historic environment, and is broadly defined as the quality of being authentic, truthful or genuine (Jones 2009). How then do we convey this authenticity if the interpretation is open-ended and can be seen from multiple viewpoints? Heritage practitioners are then tasked with being objective in their examinations. However, in the case of enlivening a chosen past does it become subjective based on the audience or the preference of the practitioner?

Tourists visiting a site will typically encounter signage, visual displays, information centres or tour guides whose functions are to interpret the heritage values of the place or objects (Ablett 2010). These interpretations are what are absorbed by the public as an authentic representation or explanation of these historic events and places. What then is this interpretation that is reflected to tourists and visitors? Is it the unbiased truth of enslaved Africans or the manicured concept of labourers and servants? Do we “soften the blow”, so that we don’t offend those that are consuming the information? Or do we not want to refer to what is considered “bad”, as it somehow reflective of us in society?  

One example that comes to mind is that of St. Nicholas Abbey in Barbados, simply described as a 1658 sugar plantation with a Jacobean mansion and rum distillery. The heritage showcased centres around things such as the architecture and estate as well as the owners’ history and of course the rum distillery. Very little information is conveyed as to enslaved persons that were a day-to-day factor in the very running of the plantation. With the establishment of a miniature railway to take visitors around the estate, it is sure to be a major highlight of heritage tourism, but one may wonder what story will be told on this new journey.

Lowenthal states that we can no more slip back into the past then can we leap forward to the future, save in imaginative reconstruction, the past is barred to us. It is this imaginative reconstruction by heritage practitioners that becomes the narrative regurgitated by tour guides and affixed to signage and visual displays. Lowenthal goes on to state that “if the past is a foreign country, nostalgia has made it ‘the foreign country with the healthiest tourist trade of all’”.

The profitability that is attached to nostalgia is then used to construct the narrative to be displayed and interpreted as nostalgia is usually associated with a good feeling. However, when we leave out certain facts to hone-in on other ones is the story still authentic? If we look at a cultural heritage site we see the contestation in defining concepts of authenticity and integrity, as authenticity has varying meanings in different cultural contexts. We face the question of whose heritage or which time period frames preservation and interpretation (Alberts and Hazen). It is the stakeholder’s goals for the site in the end that is prioritised even if it is not compatible with the aims of those looking to conserve and preserve the authenticity of the site.

Tourists and visitors expect that “authentic” experience when they visit a site or engage with an object which does not always equate with the recorded history displayed. They also expect a level of comfort which may compromise the authenticity of the site in providing these facilities that visitors or tourists expect. The heritage practitioner may see it as more viable and profitable to compromise authenticity for economic gain through public consumption. The question remains who is this heritage really for? Is it for the community that it has originally emerged from or the paying visitor who wants a “nostalgic” experience of the past?

Works Cited

Ablett, Philip G. & Pamela K. Dyer. “Heritage and Hermeneutics: Towards a Broader Interpretation of Interpretation.” Current Issues in Tourism, 12, 2010, pp. 209-233.

Alberts, Heike C. and Helen D. Hazen. “Maintaining Authenticity and Integrity at Cultural World Heritage Sites.” Geographical Review, vol. 100, no. 1, 2010, pp. 56-73.

Funk, Ray. “Rituals of resistance: the Canboulay Riots re-enactment.” Caribbean Beat, MEP limited, March/April 2011, https://www.caribbean-beat.com/issue-108/rituals-resistance#axzz5WVQQyT2c. Accessed November 2018.

Jones, Siân. “Experiencing Authenticity at Heritage Sites: Some Implications for Heritage Management and Conservation.” Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites, vol. 11, Issue 2, 2009, pp. 133-147.

Lowenthal, David. The Past is a Foreign Country. Cambridge University Press, 1985.

HIST 3030 The Evolution of Social Policy in Barbados: Itasca Quady on The Politics of Recreational Space in Barbados

The Politics of Recreational Space: From Playing Fields to Beaches in Barbados

By, Itasca Quady, Warwick University/ UWI

Since full emancipation in 1838, Barbados has experienced a shift in economic dependency from agriculture to tourism. Despite the shift, intersectional socio-economic hierarchies have remained. Central to this has been the ownership and access of land in the hands of a small number of Barbadian elites. Sugar cultivation intensified on the island in the 1640s, benefitting from the flat terrain and the natural springs, which acted as irrigation systems for monocrop production in several parts of the island. This saw the deforestation of almost all of the native woodland of Barbados. Since sugar cultivation dominated the economic use of land resources, there was a marked lack of designated space for housing after emancipation which led to freed peoples still being attached to plantations - without security of tenure - through labour and rent. As a consequence of limited access to land and security of tenure was the creation of the chattel house – a portable timber house frame built on easily dismantled stones. The end of the nineteenth century saw a decline in sugar cultivation, and by the 1970s, an intensive effort to shape Barbados into a tourist-driven economy had materialised. I will focus on how recreational spaces in modern Barbados have been characterised through the historic alienation of the working classes, and how this has been reflected and consolidated through ideology, society and policy.

Ideology derivative of Victorian Britain is prevalent in Barbadian social policy concerning recreational spaces. Following the period of British West Indian labour unrest in the 1930s, especially in June 1937 in Barbados, the Moyne Commission endeavoured to resolve working class tensions. The Report of the Royal West Indian Commission (1939) noted that the “labouring population, mere subsistence was increasingly problematic”.[1] During the nineteenth century industrialisation in Britain, application of Benthamite utilitarianism was administered throughout the country’s workplaces and communities. This was an attempt at social organization and efficacy. A result of this was the strategic creation of recreational spaces for working class men, in an effort to alleviate class tensions, to suppress urges of revolt and maintain socio-economic hierarchy and property, or as Downes has put it, “to arrest potential proletarian protest” (374)*. Similarly in Barbados, recommendations from the aforementioned Moyne Report and the Deane Report, which specifically investigated the 1937 disturbances, resulted in the creation of competitive environments and leisure spaces for Barbadian men. Rhetoric of a similar kin continues to be used -- in 2009, the Minister of the Environment, Dr. Denis Lowe stressed the importance of recreational spaces as Barbados is, in his words, a “fast-paced society and we need to find places where we can cool down, so to speak”.[2] Of these recreational spaces reserved for local working-class leisure, it must be noted that some, such as Dover Playing Field in Christ Church, were sites of burial for thousands during the Cholera Epidemic of 1854, where over 20,000 people – a quarter of the population- died.

It is also important to note the class and gender dynamics of sport in this context. Historically, sport, such as cricket, has been divided along class and gender lines and has reflected colonial hegemonic values. Many historians have documented the empirical birth and continuities of the sport, claiming cricket’s roots in the “’élite school’ system in Barbados from the 1870s onwards, a system based quite consciously on the public and grammar school ideology of Victorian Britain”, shaped by an “age dominated by muscular Christianity and Social Darwinism” (Sandiford, Stoddart 333). [3]  Race, class and gender segregation is seen today within the communal cricket teams and leagues on the island today.

Caribbean gender studies sociologists such as Manners, Mintz and Scheele have espoused the concept of gendered spaces in Caribbean societies. This is applied predominately to the Hispanophone Caribbean, with the idea of ‘calle/casa’ or street/home dichotomy. [4] Applicable to the Barbados and the Anglophone Caribbean, certain spaces in society have become feminised and masculinised. The home and educational spaces have become feminised, promoting a hegemonic matrifocal family unit. Thus, the ‘street’ and outside spaces have been masculinised. This characterisation has impacted the safety and recreational accessibility of women outside of the home, especially in regards to sport and exercise. Recent studies have highlighted these limitations, which have resulted in the increase of obesity and related non-communicable diseases in the female Afro-Caribbean population of Barbados (Alvarado, Guell, Murphy).[5] This is a direct correlation of the rise in sedentary lifestyles and occupations of Barbadian women, promoted by the impact of gendered spaces and expectations.

In terms of housing, it is also important to reflect on the continuing battle for space and land between the middle classes, historically the merchants, and the working class. Due to the insecurity of tenure faced by many Barbadians throughout the last century, and the allocation of plantation land to housing, an argument can be made that social hierarchies have even impacted the recreational use of gardening and self-sufficiency. This is due to the close proximity and lack of land ownership of those living in chattel house structures, especially in urbanised parts of St. Michael. This is also problematic as working class Barbadians rely upon the ‘Basket of Goods’ (a VAT-exempted list of goods), which has a limited selection of affordable fruits and vegetables, thus exacerbating aforementioned health problems.

Following Independence, many recreational spaces have been donated to the public from private ownership. This feeds into the philanthropic history of the colonial elite in Barbados. Some of these areas include Barclay’s Park in St. Andrew, gifted by Barclays Bank to the government at Independence in 1966, King George V Park in St. Philip and Farley Hill which all boast memorial plaques of colonial figureheads or donors.

Other recreational areas reflect colonial and hierarchal heritage in Barbados through name and aesthetic. Some of these areas include Queen’s Park and The Garrison, both in St. Michael, which continue to serve ceremonial purposes. The traditional nature of these areas is exacerbated by their beautification efforts; spatially marginalising the working class in context of their elite heritage and thus their ‘aesthetic distance’ which reflects this (Downes). Efforts of beautification by the elite in the twentieth century can be seen in the influence of people such as Lady Gilbert Carter, the wife of a colonial Governor who took great interest in civic matters in the island. This implication of exclusion through aesthetic is comparable to a restaurant dress code, however it also encompasses race, class and gender marginalisation. This suggests that these spaces are continually intended to serve the recreational purposes of middle and upper classes in Barbados.

This spatial segregation is also prominent between ordinary Barbadians and the tourism sector on the beaches of Barbados. Although no beaches in Barbados are privately owned, attempts at exclusivity have materialised. It can be argued that deck or beach chairs are used as both spatially and socially segregating temporary barriers. Due to the changing nature and weathering of the coastline, especially in the light of climate change, the property lines are becoming increasingly contested and controversial. Little legislation has been enacted to confront the growing tensions between the tourism industry and local use of the beaches. In the 1980s, The Mighty Gabby released the song “Jack” which condemned the continued marginalisation of ordinary Barbadians on their beaches. Gabby’s most recent protest was held at Crane Beach in 2018. In an interview, he suggested the failures of the National Conservation Commission (NCC) in the lack of attempt to stop the subtle privatisation of beaches and minimal effort in securing ‘windows to the sea’ for the Barbadians who do not own beachfront property.[6]

In the post-emancipation period, beaches in Barbados were dominated by the recreation and use of black working class Barbadians for washing, bathing and disposing of household waste - including ‘night-soil’ (excreta). Not seen as economically significant in comparison to the agricultural land in the interior, beaches were considered to be marginal. Even Batts Rock beach in St. Michael was another burial space for thousands following the aforementioned 1854 Cholera outbreak*. These spaces are historically working class recreational spaces.

Government has always assured the public nature of these beaches through legislation, however public access points to the beachfront have been criticised as limited, and it has even been noted that private business owners have made attempts to block access to locals. In a speech in October 2018 at UWI Cave Hill campus, Prime Minister Mia Amor Mottley condemned the fact that most Barbadians cannot swim, despite living on a small island. This is indicative of the disconnect between policy and the reality of those able to recreate on all beaches. Carrying on from this, Mottley claimed that all Barbadian children must learn to swim. Other than the beaches, only one public pool exists on the island – the Barbados Aquatic Centre in Wildey. Recent studies have also looked into the exclusion of recreational spaces in regards to scuba diving and snorkeling. There is a growing tension between tour guides and recreational snorkelers, which reflects the rise in touristic willingness to pay to see more diverse marine life on the island’s coasts.[7]

Social hierarchies continue to influence the use of recreational spaces in Barbados. Although much has been done to ensure the access of certain spaces to the working class, the characterisation of these spaces through colonial heritage and the nuanced merchants of tourism marginalise ordinary Barbadians and their access to recreate. Continuing issues reflect the inadequacy of current social policy in ensuring this access, and perpetuate pre- and post-independence social hierarchies. There is a necessity for policy/ legislation, which addresses the historically structural and systematic inheritance of intersectional exclusion in regard to recreational spaces in Barbados, and the needs of those who are continually excluded.

Bibliography

Alvarado, M, Madhuvanti M. Murphy, Cornelia Guell. ‘Barriers and facilitators to physical activity amongst overweight and obese women in an Afro-Caribbean population: A qualitative study.’ International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 12:97 (2015)

http://www.barbmuse.org.bb/2012/08/riots-in-de-land-the-1937-labour-rebellion/

‘The Barbados System of Parks and Open Space’, Barbados Physical Development Plan (2017) pp. 135-156.

Bass, Brittany E., James F. Casey, David A. Gill, Peter W. Schuhmann. ‘Visitor preferences and willingness to pay for coastal attributes in Barbados’, Ocean & Coastal Management 134 (2016) pp. 240-250.

Belle, Nicole, Bill Bramwell. ‘Climate Change and Small Island Tourism: Policy Maker and Industry Perspectives in Barbados’ Journal of Travel Research (Aug 2005) pp. 33-41.

Bolland, Nigel. The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean (Kingston, 2001)

Campbell, Trevor, Darrin Downes. ‘Nontourism Services in Barbados: 1970-97’ International Advances in Economic Research, Vol. 7 No. 4 (Nov 2001), pp. 459-470.

Clement, Raquel, Jill L. Grant. ‘Enclosing Paradise: The Design of Gated Communities in Barbados’, Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 17 No. 1 (2012) pp. 43-60.

The Daily Gleaner, 21 February 1940

Downes, Aviston. Boys of the Empire: Elite Education and the Socio-cultural Construction of the Hegemonic Masculinity in Barbados, 1875-1920 (1997)

Downes, Aviston. Constructing Brotherhood: Fraternities and Masculinities in Colonial Barbados (2008)

Downes, Aviston. ‘From Boys to Men: Colonial Education, Cricket and Masculinity in the Caribbean, 1870-c.1290’, The International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol. 22 No.1 (2005), pp. 3-21.

https://gisbarbados.gov.bb/blog/developers-told-provide-adequate-recreational-spaces/

‘Items Remaining in the VAT FREE Basket’ Appendix II, Government Information Service Barbados

Reddock, E. Rhoda, Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses, University of the West Indies Press (Kingston, 2004)

Report of the Commission appointed to enquire into the Disturbances which took place in Barbados on the 27^th July 1937 and subsequent Days (Deane Commission Report) (1937)

Report of the West India Royal Commission (1945)

http://www.loopnewsbarbados.com/content/watch-mighty-gabby-ready-lead-brownes-beach-protest-soon

Sandiford, Keith, Brian Stoddart. ‘The Elite Schools and Cricket in Barbados: A Study in Colonial Continuity’, International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol. 4 No. 3 (1987), pp. 333-350.

Willett, John, ed. and trans., Brecht on Theatre (New York, 1964) (esp. p. 91 on aesthetic distance and alienation in theatre.)

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[1] Bolland, Nigel. The Politics of Labour in the British Caribbean (Kingston, 2001) p. 42.

[2] https://gisbarbados.gov.bb/blog/developers-told-provide-adequate-recreational-spaces/ accessed 26/11/18.

[3] Sandiford, Keith, Brian Stoddart. ‘The Elite Schools and Cricket in Barbados: A Study in Colonial Continuity’, International Journal of the History of Sport, Vol. 4 No. 3 (1987), p. 333.

[4] Reddock, E. Rhoda, Interrogating Caribbean Masculinities: Theoretical and Empirical Analyses, University of the West Indies Press (Kingston, 2004) p. xviii.

[5] Alvarado, M, Madhuvanti M. Murphy, Cornelia Guell. ‘Barriers and facilitators to physical activity amongst overweight and obese women in an Afro-Caribbean population: A qualitative study.’ International Journal of Behavioral Nutrition and Physical Activity, 12:97 (2015)

http://www.loopnewsbarbados.com/content/watch-mighty-gabby-ready-lead-brownes-beach-protest-soon accessed 26/11/18

[7] Bass, Brittany E., James F. Casey, David A. Gill, Peter W. Schuhmann. ‘Visitor preferences and willingness to pay for coastal attributes in Barbados’, Ocean & Coastal Management 134 (2016)

The History Forum: Pan Africanism: A History Book Launch and Panel Discussion

The History Forum: Sabrina Rampersad -- An Archaeological Journey into the Egyptian Delta

HIST 3030 The Evolution of Social Policy in Barbados: A. Bellamy on Baby Saving Leagues in Barbados

The Role Baby Welfare Leagues played in the provision of maternal and child health

By Adrian Bellamy, HIST 3030 The Evolution of Social Policy in Barbados

During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, women gave birth at home in the British Caribbean. They were assisted by traditional midwives. These were mostly African or Asian traditional midwives were also referred to as “grannies”. The colonial powers often referred to these grannies as ‘savage, uncivilized, ignorant, superstitious, and possessed of devilish obeah practices’. They blamed midwives for the high infant mortality. This led to the emergence of maternity wards, midwifery hospitals and lying-in wards, where medical care and education could be had. Almshouses also fulfilled this function. Accommodation was provided for all socio-economic groups of women. These establishments also provided training for midwives and birth attendants in an effort to curb the high infant mortality rate.

It is interesting to note that Bridgetown was the only large urban area that did not have a public hospital. The colonial hospital was state subsidized, but privately owned. Within the first two decades of the twentieth century, a number of infant and maternal welfare initiatives emerged. This was due to the interest in population growth by imperial and colonial officials. Both privileged White and Black women played important roles within these organisations. Physicians, trained midwives, governments, church groups and social elites also supported these baby saving groups.

The earliest health-oriented organizations in Barbados included the Ladies Association for the Relief of the Indigent, Sick and Infirm in 1820. It was established by privileged White women and their target group were respectable women, who were often White. During the period of slavery the organization focused on poor whites, but by the 1830s it was mandated to serve poor Afro-Barbadians. However, by the early twentieth century it had fallen on to hard times.

There were a number of reasons that lead to the formation of baby saving leagues, these include:

●      Population anxieties of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

●      Growing attention of governments to the health of the young.

●      Colonial pressure.

●      Contemporary gender norms that represented women as nurturing and maternal aspects.

There was an international conference held in London in 1913 that was the driving force in the establishment of Baby Saving Leagues in the British colonies. Following this in 1921, Baby Saving Leagues were formed in Barbados. For the first decade, these Baby Saving Leagues were mostly located in urban areas, with their activities limited to the main urban areas such as Bridgetown in St. Michael. There was an attempt in 1923 to establish an infant welfare clinic in St. Peter, but it suffered from lack of financial support from estate owners. The aim of these Baby Saving Leagues was to educate mothers on infant healthcare and to save young lives by providing health care for theses mother that may otherwise be unavailable.

Baby Saving Leagues had some support from colonial governments and local colonies. In Barbados, parish authorities in St. Michael, for example, gave £50 (because of colonial pressure). The colonial legislature also supplied a grant of £150. There were also a number of individuals outside of the government who played a vital role in the emergence of baby saving leagues. Among these were:

●      Florence Sinclair - A druggist who in the early stages used her home as the clinic for the Infant Welfare association until the early 1930s when the organization got its own.

●      John Beckles - Opened the Children’s Goodwill League in Constitution Road in Bridgetown, St. Michael. Here he accommodated 26 children daily while their mothers went to work.

●      Elizabeth Elise Ifill-Barrow - In 1937, she also started the Baby Welfare League at Oistins, supplying the babies of poor mothers with milk and barley.  A branch was established at Dayrells Road and in November 1940 a Day Nursery was added. She was also responsible for establishing the Danbury Court Day Nursery and The St. John’s Baby Welfare League in 1950.  

The annual Report of the department of medical Services for 1944-1945 reported that three private organizations which had established clinics, were instrumental in increasing the life expectancy in Barbados for women and children (also men).

These were: the Children’s Goodwill League; the Baby Welfare League and the Christ Church Baby Welfare League.

There were a number of benefits to be had for poor women and their children, as clinics spaces provided a space for:

●      Health care - Poor mothers could bring their ill children and receive medical care.

●      Maternal education - Mothers received advice on child care and feeding and also sometimes acquired milk and food.

●      Social welfare assistance

These clinics had a few paid staff members, with most of the staff being volunteers. In 1924, a network of ‘enquiry officers’ was formed. This was small group of female volunteers who undertook home visits. These women allowed for individuals to receive the benefits that the associations had to offer. These volunteers also aided in bastard cases, where they used bastard laws to provide access to the poor law system. This was part of an initiative to compel men to support their children, in an effort to save them from an early death caused by maternal poverty.

In conclusion, it can be stated that Baby Saving/ Welfare Leagues were essential in providing both health care and education for mothers in Barbados. The expansion of these efforts by the 1960s led to an overall reduction in the child mortality, and increased child survival.

Sources

Chamberlain, M. (2010). Empire and Nation-building in the Caribbean: Barbados, 1937-66. New York: Manchester University press.

De Barros, J. (2014). Reproducing the British Caribbean: Sex, Gender, and Population Politics After Slavery. Chapel Hill : The University of Carolina Press.

HIST 3030 The Evolution of Social Policy in Barbados: J. Watkins on Waste Management in Barbados

Where did our waste go before the Sanitation Service Authority in Barbados? 

           

At the beginning of the 20^th century Barbados found itself in the peculiar position of being a colony with little to no idea or the means of how to maintain proper sanitary conditions throughout the island. This effected every corner of the island as citizens struggled to look after their health and sanitary means under the limited scope of the Vestry system in the island.

Bridgetown had become a central hub, for business, trade and tourist activity; but unfortunately, it had also been riddled with urban slums, poorly placed vendor markets and very unsanitary conditions. The illegal dumping of night soil (excreta), garbage/refuse, the unsafe use of water and rivers, the congestion of gutters and drains along with lack of sanitary practices often lead to the outbreak of diseases. In 1908, the Public Health Act maintained that persons who lived in the city ought to clean outside their premises or business by 8am; those in the suburbs were to be done by 9am. Informal dumping sites had also been designated around the city, in areas such as Hill Road, Bank Hall, Black Rock, Carrington’s Village, Reef Grounds, Cheapside, Brittons Hill and other approved private lands.

           

John Hutson was a public health officer in 1905 who was appointed to the Board of Health between 1902-1924 to improve the deplorable living conditions in Barbados which were leading to high infant mortality rates. By 1914, the infant mortality rate was at its highest 403 deaths for every 1000 births, however when compared to Trinidad and even England and Wales, it was notable 3 times higher than the countries average. Waste was disposed of in various ways such as in cesspits, latrines, privy pits, galvanized pails, groundsills, disused buckets, a keg or tin, compost, refuse sites, old quarries, dumping (food items and large items) at sea by barges, or incineration. Night soil was buried directly in the yards of homes or random areas and used to fertilizer crops. Fire was often used to burn leaves and waste around the island.

Dump sites were often poorly maintained and when heavy rains fell, they became large breeding sites for mosquitoes causing outbreaks such as the Malaria epidemic in 1927. Many parishes used standpipes and there was no waterborne sewage system that service the entire island in the 1930s. Illegal and improper dumping of night soil lead to many diseases such as hookworm and typhoid as many homes had dirt floors and impoverish persons mostly were barefoot. Scavenging was provided by the cleansing department to keep the streets and gutters clean throughout Bridgetown. It also collected refuse in carts and motor vehicles in the late 1930s.

In the Northern districts, parishes such as St. James and St. Peter had their own unique ways of dealing with lack of access to sanitary services. In Holetown, the hole swamp provided natural drainage of rain water, which prevented the spread of many diseases until the late 1950s. They also had weed collectors who used donkey carts to collect the weeds and tree clippings throughout the parishes. Parishes such as St. Lucy, St. Andrew and St. Joseph had the poorest sanitary conditions as many including poor whites or “Redlegs” lived in huts, had no proper sanitary disposal methods. They received little to no assistance from the vestries and lack oversight from the sanitary inspectors. This led to residents often burying their night soil in shallow latrine pits which caused a severe hookworm infection in 1912-18, when the rains fell and flooded the area. Barbadians often dumped their garbage in the sea, on the beach and in gullies which surrounded the area.

The riots of 1937, highlighted Barbados’s lack of sanitary services and the need for the Board of health to properly manage the sanitary conditions around the island. In the 1940s, conditions in Bridgetown and other parishes started to improve. In St. Michael in 1945 and onward, latrines, privy pits, groundsels were provided, repaired, washed and maintained by the cleansing department often known as ‘rose tree trimmers’. In 1950, a new septic tank latrine and bath was introduced at Kensington and open to the public and the Eagle Hall Market was constructed in 1953 as a means of dealing with overcrowded vending. In the northern parishes, in 1950, the Medical officers of health were inspecting and introduced a new improved pit toilet. Although only one tenth of the Barbadian budget went for medical and sanitary services in 1950; by 1956, this shifted to thirteen percent. By 1954, 10,000 piped water installations took place throughout the island.

After the passing of hurricane Janet in 1955, death and destruction permeated every part of the island, this drastically changed the operations of Board of Health and Government’s approach to public health. All Hurricane relief centres required constant inspections and were disinfected daily using disinfectants. Other surviving hurricane shelters, almshouses and clinics were inspected by sanitary inspectors. New standpipes and repairs were carried out by the Sanitation department. Many of the public baths and latrines were destroyed. By 1959, government received aid from the UNICEF fund to provided pit latrines to impoverished Barbadians. By 1962, the infant mortality rate had steadily declined to 55 out of every 1000 live births with the introduction of new sanitary measures and better education on health services.

           

The Health Service Act of 1969, gave the now centralized Minister of Health, greater powers over managing public health and sanitation throughout the island and was fully enacted on March 1^st, 1975 with established the Sanitation Service Authority (SSA) to service the public. This act allowed for the construction and maintenance of sewage disposal sites and laying pipes to complete Barbados waterborne sewage system. It also gave them greater control over streets, drains and sewages. With the powers to facilitate the inspections of homes, schools and other properties while appointing trained public health inspectors and a Chief Medical Officer to deal with matters throughout the island.

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