The Development of Some Health Care Services in Barbados from 1945 to Independence by Sylvan Spooner

COLONIAL DEVELOPMENT WELFARE POLICY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Stemming from the damning indictment that was the Moyne Commission (and other) reports, various recommendations were made by colonial authorities in order to improve the health and wellness of the poor and lower classes on the island. The following article documents some of those   health care initiatives.

In 1945, on the heels of the release of the Moyne Commission Report, Mr. Henry Douglas Weatherhead introduced a memorandum titled “Medical Services of Barbados and Proposals for Reorganization.”[1][2] In this he concluded that there was a dire need for new legislation governing health care on the island and further recommended that the islands’ entire health care sector be reorganized. That same year, the Colonial Welfare Department, guided by the recently passed Colonial Welfare Act, allocated £800,000 to the island; funds meant to facilitate this reorganization over the ten year period from 1946 to 1956.[3]

These, in part, made possible the implementation of a number of health care building projects and initiatives. One such initiative was the construction of the Verona Maternity hospital which was completed in 1947 and opened in 1948; [4] a dental clinic was opened at the same location three years later in 1951. These were followed by the construction of numerous other health care facilities over the following decade.[5]

BARBADOS FAMILY PLANNING ASSOCIATION

The Barbados Family Planning Association was another organization which arose in the decade post- Moyne. Founded in May 1954 out of the necessity to control and reduce the island’s high infant and maternal mortality rate, the figures from the decade which followed its founding indicate that it was a successful addition to the islands’ health network. In 1954, the national birthrate was 33.2 per 1000; this decreased to 20.9 in 1969 and was further reduced to 17.6 in 1977.[6] This pattern of decline continued and by 2004 it stood at 12.7 per 1000.[7] Undoubtedly, the introduction of female contraceptives and planned parenthood education contributed to the success of this programme.

HEALTH CENTRES

The Moyne Report was an unflattering indictment on the disregard for the health of the working class among whom malnutrition, venereal disease and high infant mortality were endemic. Out of these unfortunate set of circumstances came the Five year plan of development and taxation for 1952-53 to 1956-57. As a result, the Governor appointed a committee under the chairmanship of Dr. Hugh Gordon Cummins which was tasked to advise government and to implement a programme of hospital expansion. The 1953 Public Health Act presented the framework for which a community clinic initiative was to be introduced.

SPEIGHTSTOWN HEALTH CENTER

The Speightstown Health Center was officially opened on 1^st July 1953 by Colonial Governor Sir Robert Arundell making it the first parochial approach to organized public health on the island.[8] One month before its official opening, Dr. Maurice Byer was appointed its first Medical Health Officer with Sister Aurora Waters, who had recently completed her public health training in Jamaica and Trinidad, acting as Public Health Nurse. Nurses M. Mayers and B. Payne were added to the staff in September as junior Public Health Nurses while Mr. E. Baird acted as sanitary officer from 15th February 1954. Such was the need for the service it provided that within nine months of its commencing operations 9,090 injections of Penicillin were administered, 584 cases of Syphilis treated along with 237 cases of Gonorrhea.[9] In addition, two years later, in 1956, a family planning clinic was opened at the clinic.[10]

This clinic serviced the northern parishes of St. Lucy, St. Peter, St. James, St. Andrew, St. Thomas and St. Joseph with the majority of its patrons coming from St. James parish during its first 9 months of operation. By 1959, several outpost clinics had been established, one at Belleplaine another at Chimborazo and one other established at Mt. Hillaby in 1960. A mental health clinic, one of the first of its kind on the island, was started at Speightstown Health center in 1960.

ENMORE HEALTH CENTER

One of the Governor’s requests, as part of the five year development plan, was for the establishment of a health center for Bridgetown. This was placed at the Enmore site. As a result, the Enmore Health Clinic was opened in February 1955. Later, in October of that year Dr. Edgar Cochrane was appointed as Medical Health Officer with Dr. D.O.D Payne as part-time Tuberculosis Officer. Enmore was equipped with a modern X-ray unit with a 5”x 4” camera detachment.[11] In January 1956, a national BCG campaign commenced and this was head-quartered at Enmore.[12]

In addition, a V.D clinic was introduced in September 1955, followed by a chest clinic which was frequented by persons wishing to travel to the United Kingdom. A total of 71,952 persons attended Enmore in 1956 followed by 64,371 in 1957. These figures alone indicate that this clinic was greatly appreciated by residents of Bridgetown and surrounded areas. In 1960, dental and ophthalmic services were introduced at Enmore[13] followed by a mental hygiene clinic in October 1961.[14]

SIX ROADS HEALTH CENTER

With health centers located in Bridgetown and in the north of the island, on March 15^th 1957, the Six Roads Health Centre was officially opened with Dr. Cochrane visiting weekly from Enmore as consultant.[15] On the 27^th of April 1958, Dr. Kenneth Standard was appointed Medical Officer of Health and assumed duties on May 5^th with Nurse Millington as his Staff Nurse and Dr. C. Hutson as V.D Officer. Numerous satellite clinics were established from Six Roads including school- medical and diabetic clinics, home visiting, and clinics for midwifery and health education for schools. This clinic served the southern parishes of St. Phillip, and Christ Church, parts of St. John and St. George.  Other clinics were located at Kendal in St. John (from 1^st Oct 1959) and at Charles Rowe Bridge From Oct 2^nd 1959 which was later called the Glebe Clinic from 1960.[16] Other much utilized clinics were located at Gall Hill in St. John, and at St. Augustine in St. George.

DISTRICT HOSPITALS

In December 1960, the first District Hospital was opened. Its area of operation was the highly populated Oistins district and at the time provided 20 beds for persons seeking care.

Other District Hospitals

St. Thomas District Hospital,

St. Andrew District Hospital,

St. Phillip District Hospital (Ruby),

St. Michael District Hospital,

St. Lucy District Hospital,

Gordon Cumming District Hospital (Rock hall)

POLYCLINICS AND YEAR ESTABLISHED

Sir Winston Scott – 1984

St. Phillip and St. John Outpatient’s Clinic – 1957

Maurice Byer (Horse Hill Out patients Clinic) – 1978

Randall Phillips - 1984

Black Rock Polyclinic – 1994

Warrens (St. Thomas and St. Andrew Out-Patients)

Edgar Cochrane – 1984

Glebe Polyclinic – 1987

  QUEEN ELIZABETH HOSPITAL

Opened in 1964 14^th November 1964 at a cost of $8,683,653, it replaced the old General Hospital as the premier primary care facility on the island.[17] This 520 bed facility was fully equipped with surgical and medical theaters and was considered state of the art at its completion.

 ST.JOSEPH HOSPITAL

The St. Joseph Hospital  at Villa Maria , Ashton Hall St. Peter was opened on  Thursday January 6, 1966 by Premier of Barbados Mr. Errol Walton Barrow. As premier, Mr. Barrow was given the honor of delivering the opening address for the spanking new 135 bed facility, owned and operated by the sisters of sorrowful mothers incorporated Inc.  In the presence of a crowd of 500, the dedication of the facility was performed by Grenadian Roman Catholic Bishop Justin Field whose diocese included Barbados. Taking two years to complete, at a cost of 2.5 million US dollars, the St. Joseph Hospital was built by the contractors R. P Farnsworth and Company Inc and was the first to be built in the West Indies by this catholic sect.

A state of the art facility, built on six acres of land, it included a built-in chapel, an emergency power plant, and a 30,000 gallon water  storage reservoir and a 50,000 gallon sewage treatment plant as well and an emergency backup power system in case of  power failure.[18] Its maternity and operating theaters, the laboratory as well as the Doctors lounge were fully air-conditioned. Of its 135 beds, 25 were dedicated to pediatric care and 20 were designated free to members of the public.[19]

In his opening address, Barrow lauded its thoughtful planning and excellent architecture.  Responsibility for construction fell under the guidance of Robertson Ward and Associates, Mechanical consultants were Harry Goldstein and Associates David Key and Partners were the structural engineers and its Electrical consultants were Mario Zervigon and Associates.[20] Telephone communication at the facility consisted of 50 lines with four main lines while the building was built with specially designed floor tiling designed to prevent electrical interference. A state of the art kitchen with specially design food carts ensured that meals arrived at the bed sides of patients at the required temperature. At its opening this hospital was state of the art in style as well as substance.

Its first Director/Matron was Sister Mary Bartholomea and it was she who was responsible for the interior design of the new facility. A nurse early in her career, in 1946 she decided to study architecture and the St. Joseph facility was her first overseas design. In her remarks during the opening ceremony she expressed the wish that the island would “…take full advantage of the activities…offered” at the new facility. Other than Mr. Barrow, other dignitaries in attendance were Senator Odessa Gittens, Barbados Minister of Health Edwy Talma, and Father Hilary Carpenter of the Dominican Mission who came from Rome for the occasion. Officially opened to patients on February 15^th, Its Chief of medical staff was Dr. H.C. Rogers, its Vice President was Dr. P.D. Wardle and its Secretary Treasurer Dr. T. J Gilmore.

 

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Annual Reports of the Director of Medical Services. 1957-1967.

Barbados Advocate, Jan 6, 1966.

Barbados Advocate, February12th, 1955

Barbados Family Planning Association. http://bfpa.net/cms/default.asp?V_DOC_ID=1182. Retrieved.

March 31^st 2015.

Byer, Maurice.” Development of Public Health Services in Barbados” in Four Decades of Advances in

Health in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Paho, 1979.

Colonial Reports: Barbados, 1947, 1950 and 1951.

Gilkes, Al. “A Special Gift” Barbados Advocate, January 8, 1966.

Ramsey, Frank. Protein Energy Malnutrition in Barbados. Josiah R. Macy Foundation, 1979.

Standard, Kenneth. L. Four Decades of Advances in Health in the Commonwealth Caribbean.

Bridgetown, 1977.

---

[1] Kenneth. L Standard. Four Decades of Advances in Health in the Commonwealth Caribbean Bridgetown, 1977, p46.

[2] Also in Frank Ramsey. Protein Energy Malnutrition in Barbados, p23.

[3] Colonial Report, Barbados 1947, p4.

[4] Ibid.

[5] Colonial Report, Barbados, 1950 and 1951. p40.

[6] Frank Ramsey. Protein Energy Malnutrition in Barbados, New York, 1977 p, 25.

[7] Barbados Family Planning Association. http://bfpa.net/cms/default.asp?V_DOC_ID=1182. Retrieved. March 31^st 2015

[8] Annual Reports of the Director of Medical Services 1953-54. p, 7.

[9] Ibid 8

[10] Annual Report of the Director of Medical Services 1956-57, p4.

[11] Ibid, p6.

[12] Maurice Byer.” Development of Public Health Services in Barbados” in Four Decades of Advances in Health in the Commonwealth Caribbean. Paho, 1979, p77.

[13] Annual Report of the Director of Medical Services, 1960, p34.

[14] Annual Report of the Director of Medical Services, 1961, p32.

[15] Annual Report of the Director of Medical Services, 1956-58, p11.

[16] Annual Report of the Medical Services, 1959-60, p47.

[17] Frank Ramsey. Protein- Energy Nutrition in Barbados, 1979, p27.

[18] Barbados Advocate , Jan 6, 1966 , p1

[19] Annual Report of the Chief Medical Officer, 1967. p14.

[20] Al Gilkes. “A Special Gift” Barbados Advocate January 8, 1966 p8.

Gillian Downes-Alleyne on Barbados' Engagement with Apartheid (Southern) Africa

This Week's History Forum: Visiting Professor Franco Barchiesi

Special History Forum: 4th From the Margins to the Main Graduate Symposium

From Bussa to Independence: Bussa Rebellion Heritage Tour

This Week's History Forum: Sharon Babb on Panama Migration and Women in the Canal Zone

This Week's History Forum: Dr. Haajima Degia on the "History of Gujarati-Muslim Migration to Barbados"

CALL FOR PAPERS: 4th "From the Margins to the Main: Sharing New Perspectives in Caribbean History and Heritage"

FOUN 1101 STUDENT BLOG: The Economic Consequences of the Panama Migration

The Economic Consequences of the Panama Migrations in the Caribbean

By: Sharifa Giles, Tianna Scott and Shaquan Foster 

In the early twentieth century, migration had become a significant part of Caribbean society as it provided opportunities to overcome the economic struggles faced during this time. After emancipation, Caribbean societies were ‘characterised by underemployment, poverty and unemployment and were subject to the labour demands of the plantation and the inconsistency of the sugar economy’ (Chamberlain 2008). Due to these push factors, many Caribbean people seized the opportunity to work on the Panama Canal when the Americans began to recruit people from the British West Indies in 1904. However, despite drawing away a large number of the population, the positive consequences on the Caribbean’s economy greatly outweighed the negative consequences which resulted after the migration to Panama.

Many of these migrants to Panama were primarily men who were formerly plantation workers. Consequently, there was a great reduction in labour and production. This resulted in unemployment and caused the Caribbean economies to struggle. According to Richardson (1985), the production of sugar dropped from 57,300 tonnes in 1891 in Barbados to 24,900 in 1911. Planters later had to recruit new people to replace the former workforce in order to help with economic growth. However, this prolonged the process of redeveloping the economy. The loss of production also led to an increased demand for imports. In the Bahamas, agriculture suffered tremendously to the point where everyday products like eggs, milk and fresh vegetables, which were once exports, had to be imported, which further drained the economy. However, the loss of workers eventually gave rise to modernisation, as labour was replaced by technology on the plantation to aid with harvesting, which helped to fill the void in the lack of man power.

Since migration was one of the few avenues for social mobility, many families encouraged and often depended on migration to the extent that migration became a part of culture and the family itself. The Caribbean benefitted from goods and remittances, which was money sent home from the migrants to their families. Even though the wages in Panama were not much, their value due to the exchange rate was profitable in the Caribbean. Richardson also stated that between 1906 and 1920, ₤545, 935 in remittances were brought into Barbados. This money gave blacks the ability to purchase land and set up shops which meant that they were no longer dependent on the government for finances. This caused upward social mobility among the blacks in Caribbean society, which lead to the formation of the merchant class, as many blacks could now afford to start their own businesses.

            Returning migrants also brought back new ideas which lead to the expansion of businesses. Since Panama migrations took mainly skilled labourers, there was a lack of knowledge transfer. However, due to the more advanced skills and knowledge that were acquired overseas (remi.revues.org), the Caribbean was able to gain more from the returning migrants as it became more innovative than before. As a result, many businesses, agricultural practices, architectural developments and new economic ventures were started, providing blacks with even more ways to be financially dependent as entrepreneurs. 

After thorough examination of this topic, one can say that the Panama migrations had a positive effect on the Caribbean. In spite of the Caribbean’s economy facing critical challenges, the outcome proved to be advantageous. Those skilled people who would have migrated in search of better wages, modernized the Caribbean by creating diversity in island economies through remittances which allowed small businesses to evolve, establishing a major landmark in history and paving the way for the economic development of the Caribbean.

References

Bonham, R. The Impact of Panama Money in Barbados in the Early Twentieth Century. February 24, 2016.

Chamberlain, M. "MIGRATION AND POST-COLONIALISM: THE COMMONWEALTH CARIBBEAN." Migration Citizenship Education. 2008. Accessed February 22, 2016. http://www.migrationeducation.org/51.1.html.

Dwaine, P. "Revue Européenne Des Migrations Internationales." Transnational Return Migration to the English-speaking Caribbean. April 1, 2011. Accessed March 02, 2016. http://remi.revues.org/4317

Other Sources

Accessed March 1, 2016. https://www.google.com/search?q=panama canal history&biw=1366&bih=657&tbm=isch&tbo=u&source=univ&sa=X&ved=0ahUKEwiQjrCW-p7LAhVELB4KHWNkC4gQsAQIPw#imgrc=w7PfLGDbEWNsJM:.

Johnson, A. "New In/Out Migration, Indenture, and Their Consequences." Lecture.

Look Lai, W. 1993. New In/Out Migration, Indenture, and Their Consequences: 19th and 20th Centuries (Part 1). February 18, 2016. British West Indian Society and Economy after Emancipation

"The Pros and Cons of Migration." EMBRACE. Accessed February 26, 2016. https://www.embraceni.org/migration/the-pros-and-cons-of-migration/.

A Special History Forum: Cross-Campus Seminar Prof. Emerita Bridget Brereton on Race and the American Presence in Trinidad

FOUN 1101 STUDENT BLOG: Indigenous cultures laid the foundation for the development of Caribbean Civilisation

By: Aderinsola Odueyungbo and Amiesha Persaud

The topic we were required to do a group presentation on was that of indigenous peoples. This looked at indigenous cultures and how they have been preserved and maintained within Caribbean civilisation. In the presentation, five main areas were discussed in relation to indigenous cultures. These were religion, trade, agriculture, relations with Europeans and material culture.

Who were indigenous people?

They were the first people of the Caribbean -- the original settlers. These settlers migrated from the Orinoco and Yucatan regions in South America. Their arrival in the Caribbean dates back to 5000 B.C (Watson, 2016). They planted crops, they hunted, they craved drawings into stone.

Did we think they laid the foundation for the development of the Caribbean civilization?

Of course not! Initially we had quite a limited knowledge of in knew so little about these cultures; our knowledge did not go far beyond the traditional Guyanese Pepper pot and cassava bread that Amiesha’s parents rarely made. How could they possibly be responsible for our Caribbean society?

Over the past week we have learned that the indigenous people were a diverse, self-sufficient, intelligent group. With their own religions, socio-political systems, trade routes, languages, music, art, skills and a unique ability to adapt. These cultures did contribute to the Caribbean civilization through their interactions with the Europeans.

Building an empire is no easy task; particularly when you migrate and invade a distant, foreign region, with unusual climate, new diseases and unworkable lands. The early colonizers faced these issues and relied on the indigenous people for guidance in terms of food cultivation, trade and navigation routes.

Columbus himself noted that the Island Arawak utilized a variety of root crops including manioc, sweet potatoes and beans. They grew cotton, tobacco and obtained their protein supply for fish (Andrews, 1978). These were survival skills that the Europeans utilized in the early stages of settlement.

The indigenous people of the Caribbean were seafaring people and used their knowledge of the island geography to establish interisland trade. In their book 'Talking Tainos', Keegan and Carlson stated that Bartolome de las Casas, noted the daily usage of the Mona Passage by the Tainos for trade and communication. These routes were utilized to strengthen the European presence within the Caribbean. Through an understanding of the practices of the indigenous people European knowledge of the Caribbean and its people, leading to stronger relationships and eventually negotiation.

Apart from food cultivation and trade, there is evidence of the influence of indigenous cultures in the traditional cuisine and in our folklores.

Throughout the Caribbean, the traditional cassava bread called casabi by the Tainos (Keegan & Carlson, 2008). Traditionally, juices from cassava (manioc) were used to make Pepper pot stew, a modified version of this custom still occurs particularly in Guyana. Similarly, the Caribbean is known for its unique folklores such as the Papa Bois of Trinidad, which is a forest spirit who protects all wildlife. References to such a spirit have also been noted in Arawak and Carib mythology (Williams, 2011).

In short, what we have learned is that although we don't acknowledge it, the indigenous cultures did contribute a great deal to the development of our Caribbean Civilization.

REFERENCES

Andrews, Kenneth R. The Spanish Caribbean: Trade and Plunder, 1530-1630. New Haven: Yale UP, 1978. Print.

Keegan, William F., and Lisabeth A. Carlson. Talking Taino: Essays on Caribbean Natural History from a Native Perspective. Tuscaloosa: U of Alabama, 2008. Print.

Watson, K. “The Pre-Columbian Caribbean”. Caribbean Civilisations Manual. Ed. A. Johnson. Faculty of Humanities and Education: 1-14.

Williams, Dahalia James. "An Investigation of He Impact of Amerindian Mythology on Trinidad and Tobago's Forest Folklores." History in Action2.2 (2011). Web. 27 Jan. 2016.

This Week's History Forum: Gillian Downes-Alleyne on Barbados' Engagement with Southern Africa, 1950-94

Mr. Joseph Rachell: The Contradictions of Life as a Black Businessman, Philanthropist and Slaveowner in Mid-18th Century Bridgetown, Barbados

By, Dr. Karl Watson

Joseph Rachell was undoubtedly the earliest and wealthiest black businessman of Bridgetown, described by contemporaries as ‘a capital merchant.” This was a remarkable achievement given the context of the times in which it was achieved. In the middle of the eighteenth century, the system of slavery was at its peak and non-whites were at a considerable disadvantage in every way conceivable. Slaves were chattel or disposable property and free coloureds and blacks had very limited legal standing and in a court of law, could not bear witness against whites.

The first mention of Joseph Rachell in the existing documents, records his baptism on 4th May, 1726 at St Michael’s Church in Bridgetown. He is described as “a free negro boy about ten years old.” The witnesses to his baptism were John Bellarmine, Charles Mingo and Sarah Peace. We know nothing about the latter two witnesses, but the first one, John Bellarmine was a free Negro, born 1699, the son of Thomas and Rachael Bellarmine, also free Negroes. It is highly likely that Charles Mingo and Sarah Peace were also free Negroes. These details are important because they speak to the very small free coloured and black community that existed on Barbados towards the end of the seventeenth century. This was such a small community that it is possible that all its members were known to each other. 

These connections may provide clues to Joseph Rachell’s parentage, since to date; no document has been located which confirms the date of his birth. However, recorded details from his tombstones show the year to be 1716. His parents were almost certainly William Rachel, described as “a negro of Col. Eginton” and Susannah Green, a free negro. These two individuals were baptized and married at St James’ Church on the same day, 11th April, 1701. The surname Rachel is an unusual one and a search of the records shows that for the time period in question, William Rachel was the sole possessor of this name. There are no other individuals in existing documents who bear this name. Therefore, it is logical to assume that Joseph Rachell was the son of William and Susannah Rachel. This assertion is supported by the fact that on 23rd January, 1750, Joseph Rachell had his son baptized William Francis…one would assume in memory of his grandfather. Provided all the above is correct, then Joseph Rachell would have been free born, even though his father was a slave, as the status of slave was passed through the maternal line and Susannah was a free woman. We do not know what became of his parents. They simply disappear from the record. It is entirely possible that they died sometime after Joseph was born. Had they then been alive, they would certainly have been at his baptism in 1726. 

He married Elizabeth Cleaver on 11 April, 1741. Both were listed in the register as free negroes. Their union produced ten children, only one of whom, Frances survived. Only five of the ten children were baptized, the others dying soon after birth. Those baptised were firstly, Joseph Rachell who was baptized at St Michael’s on 14th November 1740. This baptism took place five months before Joseph Sr. married Elizabeth Cleaver. It is quite probable that she was the mother of Joseph Jr. On Christmas Day 1743, the couple had a daughter who was named Frances. Her baptism took place, also at St Michael’s on 6th October 1744. Their third child, Leonard Cleaver was baptized on 19th July,1746. Then followed William Francis baptized 23rd January, 1750 and finally Mary who was baptized 19 January,1757.

Mortality rates in the eighteenth century were high but even taking this into consideration, the Rachell family certainly had far more than their share of grief. The index to deaths (RL 1/69 Barbados National Archives) tells the sad tale of the disappearance of the Rachell children.

Name , Year of death

Joseph Rachell 1742

Leonard Cleaver Rachel 1746

Josiah Rachel 1748

William Rachel 1750

? Rachel 1752

John Rachel 1753

Joseph Rachel 1756

Mary Rachel 1758

Sarah Rachel 1764

Joseph Rachel (Sr.) 1766

Even given the prevalence of gastrointestinal disease and other childhood diseases such as mumps, measles, whooping cough and diphtheria, not to mention small pox or yellow fever which periodically devastated Bridgetown’s population, this does not readily explain all these deaths. None lived past the age of two, most dying in the same year of their birth, even before their baptism. The likely possibility is that there was a deeper congenital issue at play. The culprit could very well have been an Rh incompatibility factor. With six deaths in quick succession, this must have devastated the couple. It is not surprising that the Rachell’s took in an orphaned baby. The St Michael Vestry minutes of Thursday 22nd February,1753 authorize the Churchwarden to “pay Jos Rachell for nursing and supporting Mary, a bastard child of Sarah Waterman,deceased, the sum of L2 per annum from this day in quarterly payments.” It is one of the anomalies of the period of slavery that the white controlled vestry would hand over the care of a white infant to a black family but by this time, Joseph Rachell was so well known and “his character was so fair, his manners so generous that the best white people showed him a regard which they often deny men of their own colour.” (Dickson, 1789). It is not surprising that in the official documents of the period, the Rachells are no longer identified as free blacks.

Joseph and his wife lived on Maiden Lane which in the mid-eighteenth century, linked St George Street and Cheapside. The levy book for 1756 lists five rate payers who lived on Maiden Lane. Joseph Rachell, Abraham Peixotto, George Clanchy, Isaac Garcia and John Caldwell. Of these five tax payers, Joseph Rachell was by far the highest rated. He paid fifteen pounds. Following him was Isaac Garcia who paid ten pounds followed by Abraham Peixotto who paid five pounds. The latter two individuals were members of the Sephardic Jewish community of Bridgetown. In fact, when compared to the majority of rate payers in Bridgetown, Joseph Rachell was assessed for a larger sum than most other tax payers, an indication that his various business interests were doing well.

The scanned account of Rachell which is included in this article, speaks to his various business interests and to his acumen as a business man. What is even more astonishing is that it would appear as if he was not literate. He did not sign his will but rather, left his mark and the impression of his personal seal to validate it.

Most of what we know about Joseph Rachell comes from various contemporary accounts. He was prominent enough and unusual enough to have attracted the attention of various writers of the time. The scanned document appended to this article is taken from William Dickson’s Letters on Slavery (1789) where it was included as an appendix. It is essentially the same account that was published in The New Lady’s Magazine or Polite and Entertaining Companion for the Fair Sex. Vol.3 p.254. The author is identified by his initials only, H.W.C. Further details are provided about Rachell by James Ramsay in his An Essay on the Treatment and Conversion of African Slaves in the British Sugar Colonies (1784) p.254-259. Ramsay apparently met Rachell during a visit to Barbados and was sufficiently impressed with his generosity to state “and will any man pretend to look down with contempt on one capable of such generosity, because the colour of his skin is black?”

Joseph Rachell also appears in the testimony given by Rev. Robert Bowcher Nicholls before a committee of the House of Commons investigating the slave trade.

In recent historiography, Jerome Handler looked at aspects of Rachell’s life in his essay, “Joseph Rachell and Rachael Pringle Polgreen: Petty Entrepreneurs” in Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, David G. Sweet and Gary B. Nash eds (1981). The picture that emerges of Joseph Rachell from these accounts is that of a man caught in the complexities of the system of slavery into which he had been born and socialized. He was neither radical nor revolutionary. Despite the fact that his father had been enslaved, Rachell himself held slaves. The only recorded deed of a business transaction involving Joseph Rachell is that dated 4th February,1745 in which the grantee Joseph Rachell delivers/transfers to the grantor Theodore Walrond of the island of Antigua, “four Negro women named Nanny, Mary, Beck and Rose.” In return, “the said Theodore Walrond doth grant, sell the said Joseph Rachell a certain Negro woman named Rose and her grand daughter a mulatto girl named Beck.” (RL 3/37 p.172). This in itself was not unusual. In fact, every other free person, whether black or mixed, who could afford it also owned slaves. 

The example of Philena Nunes illustrates very clearly, this insidious aspect of slavery. Philena was an enslaved woman who was the lover of a free mulatto silversmith, William Nunes. Nunes in his will, declared his love for Philena and arranged to have her freed after his death, at the same time, bequeathing her property and cash. The first use of the cash she inherited after her freedom had been bought, was to buy seven slaves. From a twenty first century perspective, such a transaction would be unthinkable. What, one might ask, was Philena thinking? Had she no compassion, no sense of betrayal? Having herself, experienced the inequities and injustice of slavery, how could she inflict the same trauma on others? At this point in time, we cannot ask Philena for answers, but employing the ideas of empathy and context, her possible answer would have been succinct…survival. Such an answer does not excuse but it explains her actions and those of so many more like herself who became enslavers when the first opportunity presented itself. It is perhaps ironic, that both William Nunes and Philena Nunes lie buried in St Mary’s Churchyard not far from where Joseph Rachell rests.

So we can see that what would have been very unusual would have been a scenario where Rachell, despite his business interests, refused to own and use slaves. Among his many business interests, which were not confined to Barbados but extended to Demerara and the Leeward Islands, was an extensive fishing fleet which he operated with the use of slaves. We cannot guess at his private feelings regarding the individuals he owned and there is no record to indicate what these feelings may have been, except for the contemporary views that contrary to the widely held stereotype of an excessively vigilant and harsh free coloured slave owner, Joseph Rachell “was extremely kind to his Negroes.”

Joseph Rachell kept a dry goods store which was well patronized. He is reported to have had such a good rapport with incoming ship’s captains that he was given first selection of their cargoes. Younger merchants often sought advice from him and if there were problems regarding the setting of prices, his advice was sought and followed. 

His white employees…yes, here was a black man in the eighteenth century who employed whites….who “spoke of him in a respectful manner and particularly revered him for his humanity and tenderness.” He was especially conscious of the plight of the many poor whites of Bridgetown and helped them when ever possible. It was recorded that “he supported two or three old indigent whites and left them something at his death.”

He was also a trendsetter. When his fishing fleet returned to land, Rachell, “set apart every day, a quantity of fish for the use of the prisoners in the town gaol.” He himself visited the gaol regularly, enquiring about their well being and “gave them relief in proportion to their distress and good behaviour.” As a result, “his example stirred up a noble spirit of generosity in Bridgetown, insomuch that it was the custom for some years before his death, for the better sort of people to send weekly, either money or provisions to the gaol.”

He frequently lent money to people. His generosity was widely acknowledged, so much so that H.W.C. comments, “I have heard my father lament much that J.R.’s generosity was much imposed upon, both by whites and blacks.”

He was reputed to have bought estates of whites who found themselves in financial difficulties and to later sell them back to the same families at cost when they had cleared their debts. In one instance that Ramsay records, a friend of Joseph Rachell’s fell on hard times. Rachell was holding this friend’s credit bond for L60. He could have had him jailed for debt as was customary in those days. Instead, Rachell rather flamboyantly rolled up the bond and used it to light his pipe. This rather quirky action speaks to a showy side of Rachell’s personality. It was the equivalent in today’s terms, of using a US$1000 bill to light a pipe. It must have given Joseph Rachell some type of psychological comfort to have been in a sufficiently strong financial position to help the various white people he assisted.

Despite his good relationship with the white townspeople, and his reputation for “benevolence” and “charitable” deeds, Rachell must have been always aware of his uncertain and tenuous position as a free black man who was potentially subject to various forms of discrimination. That realization may in itself have led him to establish a reputation for philanthropy as a defensive measure, for he was in a vulnerable situation. An example of this manifested itself with the frequent visits of a militia colonel who would take copious samples of Rachell’s cocoa that he stuffed in his coat pockets. Rachell was not prepared to deny him these many samples because of the individuals power and standing, but the situation was untenable. Neither could Rachell as a black man, offer evidence against a white man in a court of law. To solve the problem, he instructed one of his white clerks to attend exclusively and give this obnoxious customer samples from a specific bag of cocoa which no one else would touch. After some time, the colonel received a bill for the cocoa he had received as ‘samples.” Despite his protestations, he eventually paid up, as he realized that Rachell was onto his game and that the white clerk could give evidence in a court of law against him.

There is a curious baptism recorded for 29 December, 1761. This concerns Isabella, the mulatto daughter of Wm. McGibbons and Eliz. Rachel alias Jane. The infant was born the 30th August, 1761. Was the mother of this child the wife of Joseph Rachell? There is no record of the Rachells having a daughter who was named either Elizabeth or Jane. Could this have been an illegitimate daughter of Joseph Rachell? Again, there is no record of him having a daughter outside of his marriage. At this juncture, all we can do is to speculate about the parentage of Isabella.

Shortly before his death…four months to be exact, Joseph Rachell had the pleasure of seeing his daughter Frances marry Thomas Lanahan at St Michael’s church on 23 December, 1765. Though the connection has yet to be demonstrated, Thomas Lanahan was almost certainly related to Dr Lanahan who had treated George Washington successfully for small pox. Thomas and Frances Lanahan disappear from the records of Barbados after their marriage, suggesting that she either died shortly after her marriage or that the couple left the island. There is a death recorded for a Francis Lanahan in 1782. (RB5/325). This may be a spelling mistake. However, this could very well be the death record of Frances as there is no baptism recorded for Francis Lanahan.

The commentator H.W.C. notes that at Rachell’s death in 1766, “his funeral was attended by thousands of whites (some of them very respectable people) and by a prodigious concourse of blacks.” It is interesting to speculate on the reason he was not buried in the graveyard of St Michael’s. He after all, had been a stalwart and upstanding member of that church for most of his life. It was after all, the church where he was baptized, married and where his sole surviving child Frances also married in 1765. Was it a question of race? This is possible but hardly likely given the fact that the Rachell family seems to have acquired “honorary white” status. It is perhaps extraordinary for the time that neither in the baptisms of his children, in the marriage of his daughter or in the minutes of the St Michael vestry is Joseph Rachell singled out or identified as a free black man. Previously, he had been identified as such. Both his baptismal and marriage records identify him as a free Negro. But by 1743 such racial identification ceases. With his mercantile success, his conformity and participation in society, especially church affairs and his philanthropy to whites especially, the establishment seems to have accepted him as on of their own. 

Yes, even though his funeral rites were carried out in St Michael’s, his body was interred in the Old Churchyard, in what is today, the graveyard of St Mary’s. So can this be interpreted as a racial snub after death? It was unusual though not unheard of, for non whites to be buried in Anglican graveyards in the eighteenth century. It is possible that his seeming sudden death may have preempted any funerary plans on his part or his wife may simply have preferred that he be buried in what by custom had become the traditional burying place for the free coloured and free black community of Bridgetown. His tombstone, an imported dark green granite ledger reads: To the memory of Mr JOSEPH RACHEL who Died the 15 day of Octor 1766 Aged 50 Years. The use of the prefix Mr is unusual. Very rarely is such usage seen in any graveyard in Barbados. It is quite likely, a deliberate, even if self conscious affirmation by Elizabeth Rachell that in death as in life, her husband commanded respect.

His will written on the day of his death, 15th October, 1766 is brief. He noted that though sound of mind, he was “sick and weak of body.” He directed “all my just debts and funeral expenses be paid” To “my dearly beloved wife Elizabeth Rachell,” he bequeathed “all my estate real and personal.” Elizabeth was named “sole executrix of this my said will.” The will was witnessed by John Martin, Wm Crichlow and Amy Crichlow. (RB6/21 pp.42,43) These were presumably friends of the Rachells. William and Amy Crichlow are easy to trace. They were a white middle aged couple who lived in Bridgetown, not far from the Rachell’s residence. John Martin is a bit more difficult to place as there were many individuals of that name christened in the first three decades of the eighteenth century.

Jerome Handler suggests that Rachell acquiesced to “the norms of compliance and accommodation white society considered appropriate to the behaviour of non whites.” In his view, Joseph Rachell was not “perceived as threatening to the social order and to the maintenance of white supremacy and he also met certain economic needs of the white community.” (Handler pp.381, 382)

In the twenty two years following her husband’s death, it is difficult to reconstruct the life of Elizabeth Rachell. We do not know for example, whether she continued to operate the dry goods store founded by Joseph. As the sole executrix of his estate, she would have been able to continue to enjoy a comfortable life. She owned many slaves, eighteen that are named in baptismal records or in her will, though possibly that number was greater. She may have continued to operate the fishing business established by her husband or have let her adult slaves out as jobbing slaves.

After Joseph’s death, his wife Elizabeth seems to have developed close personal relationships with two white men Isaac Williamson and Phillip Lythcott. When she died in 1788 at the age of seventy four, she gave bequests to four people. She left five enslaved mulatto children, all named, to her “beloved daughter Rebecca Beves.” These were all the children of “my slave Princess.” To her friend, Isaac Williamson, she left “one mulatto woman slave named Nanny and her daughter Betsy Ann.” Her god daughter Elizabeth Bollington was bequeathed twenty pounds. I t is worth remarking that this is another instance showing the close personal relationship the Rachell family had with various white families of Bridgetown. To be asked to be the god parent of a child reflected the esteem in which that individual was held. It was normal for parents to choose an individual in a higher social bracket than themselves to stand as god parent. That in eighteenth century Barbados, a black woman was chosen by white parents to be the god mother of their daughter only confirms the degree to which the Rachells were held by the society of their time and corroborates all the existing testimony that speaks to the “high regard” of the “best white people” for them.

The rest of her estate, ‘in this island and elsewhere” (which suggests that her business interests extended beyond Barbados), “I give to my esteemed friend Philip Lytcott and my beloved daughter Rebecca Beves to be equally divided between them.” There is no mention of the daughter Frances so it is possible, as noted previously, that she too had predeceased her mother.

Whether Elizabeth established a sexual relationship with Philip Lytcott is unknown. They seem to have grown close after both lost their spouses. The witnesses to Elizabeth’s will were Alexander Barclay and John Willoughby. (RB6/33 pp336, 337) There is some question as to the place where Elizabeth Rachell died. Her name is not present in the index of deaths which suggests that she did not die in Barbados. Furthermore, there is no grave marker or plaque to her in the Old Churchyard (now St Mary’s Church). One would expect that had she died in Barbados, she would have been buried next to her husband Joseph and that some form of memorial would have been raised to her.

With the death of Elizabeth, the Rachell name passes into history.